Culture and Media Use in Saskatchewan Indian Country

Joël Demay (University of Ottawa)


This study has researched and analyzed the ways a specific population, the Treaty Indians of the Canadian province of Saskatchewan, deal with mass communication media. More than 50,000 Indians scattered across a territory larger than Spain, are caught in the information age with no mass medium of their own. They view themselves as members of independent aboriginal societies that have existed for centuries and centuries; they would like to retain their identity while nevertheless participating in the larger context of Canadian society.

Some historical information may be useful to understand the present. Between 1817 and 1929, the Indian/Dene nations conducted negotiations with the British government (or with Canada in the right of the Crown) which resulted in the signing of more than twenty major international treaties with in the borders of what is now called Canada. The land that became Saskatchewan in 1905 was covered by six different treaties which provide the legal base for the existence today of the province's 72 bands. The Canadian state has incorporated in its constitution and other legislation the special responsibility for Canadian Treaty Indians which it inherited from the British Crown.

In 1876 in an attempt to streamline the body of law dealing with Indian people and matters then scattered throughout Canadian legislation, Canada passed the Indian Act. It has been said that "no other law in the world (and certainly not in Canada) operates so profoundly to dictate every part of the lives of a select group of people...." Indeed, the Indian Act defines very precisely who is and who is not an Indian (Supply and Services Canada, 1978). Although this definition is very controversial and in the process of being significantly transformed, it is nevertheless used by the confederacy of Indian Chiefs to delimitate its constituency. Sections 11 and 12 of the Indian Act provide the legal text for this definition.

Likewise, it is important to cast a short glance at the socio-economic characteristics of the population researched in this study. Socio-economic characteristics of the population researched in this study are remarkably similar to the data which describe nations of the Third World.

Of the Canadian Indian population 65% is located in rural and remote communities compared to 25% of the national population. Hunting, fishing, trapping, forestry, and mining occupy 18.4% of the national Indian population compared to 9.1% of the general population. Average wages and income for Indians, even when employed, are still well below the national level.

Since the 1950s in Saskatchewan as well as in the country as a whole, the Indian population has been growing faster than the non-Indian population. As a result, the Indian population is "younger" than the national population. It is estimated that 34% of the Indian population is in the 15-29 age group, compared to 25% of the national population. The average Indian student is 2.5 years behind his national counterpart. Indian rates of school completion are one quarter of the national rate.

In addition, the social problems seem to have increased across Canada among on and off reserve Indians alike. The Department of Indian Affairs, which, if anything, would tend to minimize these problems among the population for which it is responsible, states that "the past few decades have seen an increase in social problems ... including high rates of alcohol abuse and welfare dependency."

Compared to the average non-Indian Canadian, the Canadian Indian lives 10 years less, is six times more likely to commit suicide especially between 15 and 24, and is seven times more likely to be incarcerated.

Hospital admission rates for alcoholic psychosis and alcoholism for on-reserve Indians in the 25-55 age group are five times the national rate. Recent estimates of Indian unemployment have ranged from 35% to 75% of the Indian labour force. It is estimated that more than 35% of the registered Indian population in Saskatchewan is today between 15 and 29 years of age.

While the majority of all houses have electricity, the percentage of Indian houses equipped with sewage disposal, indoor plumbing and/or running water is under 20% (province: above 95%). At the same time, Indian houses are estimated to last less than 15 years compared to 35 years for non-Indian houses (All social statistics: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1980.)

Insofar as Indian mass media are concerned, the Saskatchewan Indians have been striving for more than twenty years to establish mass media of their own. They repeatedly failed, mainly because of overdependence on government funding which, once withdrawn, in effect cancelled any development which may have taken place. In recent memory, the cancellation in 1982 by the newly elected provincial government of all funding to the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations, the political organization representing all Treaty Indians of Saskatchewan meant the stopping of print and electronic Indian media development which the previous government had encouraged and supported. More recently, in 1987, Secretary of State Canada funded the creation of the Saskatchewan Indian Media Corporation. It had to stop publishing its monthly magazine, The Saskatchewan Indian, soon after that communication development program (Native Communications Program) was cancelled in the 1990 Federal budget.

During the 1980s, Secretary of State Canada's Northern Native Broadcast Access Program started Missinipi Broadcasting Corporation in La Ronge. This radio station broadcasts now about 12 hours a week north of the Hamelin line which delineates where the north begins. The Saskatchewan Indians have repeatedly criticized that society's Federal government-imposed structure of governance which by-passes Treaty Indians' elected representatives. Not only the Saskatchewan Indian-elected representatives do not see Missinipi as their own, but, in fact, on several occasions they have expressed their intent to have the Federal government redirect toward them the monies presently spent on their behalf on Missinipi. This is not to say, obviously, that Missinipi, as a Native communications society, does not take into account the Treaty Indians that live in Northern Saskatchewan, the region it covers. Any provincial survey measuring Indian audiences in Saskatchewan would have to take Missinipi into consideration.

The provincial survey on which this analysis is based was done in 1983, when Missinipi was not yet in operation. If it had attempted to measure Saskatchewan media's relative audiences, the subsequent development of Missinipi in the North would have made these provincial data quickly outdated. Rather, it focused on the communication patterns of Saskatchewan Treaty Indians to establish how much culture and media content may be significant factors in determining media use. That work is not dated and in fact is still very much relevant for both Indian and non-Indian media alike.

The data collected in face-to-face interviews did not align themselves with socio-economic factors identified in media use research to date. This discovery is particularly significant for two areas of media development in Canada: (1) if the non-Indian media wish to have Indian people as a part of their audience, perhaps their policies and programming should reflect this; and (2) the Indian mass media wanting to reach their own people with relevant content and programming cannot simply set up structures which parallel the non-Indian world. Rather, they must take their own people's culture into account when developing their content.

This Study in a Research Context

This study does not fit neatly in a traditional area of communication research. While some are proposing the development of Indian communication studies, this author will simply state that this study feeds on three main areas of research: media use, communication features of minorities, and communication for development. Graphically, one could represent them as three overlapping circles, this study belonging to the common area in the centre. Each of these areas of research has evolved during the past few decades toward requiring a better knowledge of the population with which the media are dealing, be it in the context of developed or less developed societies.

Since the 1920s, media scholars have tried to document and understand the features of media use, usually in conjunction with its effects on society. As the analysis of media effects was moving from studies of the potential effects of media (popular culture literature) to a systematic research of the determinants of media consumption patterns, the area of media use was following a parallel route, focusing more and more on the individual.

The most controversial element of media use became the extent to which people were active or passive while using media. Studies in communication for development evolved in a similar way. The inert, passive, target mass audience of the 1940s and 1950s was gradually replaced during the 1960s by active, responsive consumers. By the early 1970s, Schramm recognized that media users, active entities, even interact with the sender of information (1973).

The post-war media audience transformed itself into numerous media audiences as researchers acknowledged more and more the reflection of social categories onto patterns of media use. Education, income, beliefs, residence, and other determining traits led to studies use by Slowik & Paquette (1982) and Greenberg & Dervin (1970) among urban poor, or studies by Young (1979) and Davis (1971) among older adults.

When attention is paid to racial differences, this trend is confirmed. Research on communication and minorities communication and minorities has identified the need to study not minorities in general, but rather distinct cultural groups within these minorities, beyond the often spurious unifying trait of race or ethnicity. This is why Wilson & Gutierrez have proclaimed boldly "the end of mass communication," foreseeing the end of communication media as the societal glue (1985, p. 23).

The manner in which Canadian governments have attempted to fit the Indians in the national cultural mosaic, their socio-economic "underdog" status and some Indians' acceptance of that minority status make possible the link between this study and studies of minorities. The international Treaties signed with the Crown, the entrenchment of Treaty Rights in the Constitution and the existence of a federal Department of Indian Affairs argue strongly against this minority status, however.

The link with development communication can be seen when one considers the dependent status of Indian nations upon mainstream Canadian society; their continuous attempt at non-dependent, self-determination; as well as the high population growth rate, the large proportion of youth in that population, its isolation in rural areas, and the rural migration toward the cities. The abundance of non-Indian media, the absence of Indian media in Saskatchewan, and the political will expressed by Indian leadership to start Indian-controlled media buttress that link.

Studies by Granzberg & Steinbring, Hammer, and Valaskakis have identified how much culture affects the rapports which have developed over the years between Native people and the media. The identification of the connection between culture and experience with media is followed in all cases by recommendations that "all future policy relating to media consumption by Native populations be governed by the principle of self-government" (Granzberg & Steinbring, 1980, p. 578).

The Research

The most reliable source for identifying Treaty Indians is the Indian Register of the Federal Department of Indian Affairs. The text of the Indian Act (section 5) explains why--"An Indian Register shall be maintained in the Department, which shall consist of Band Lists and General Lists and in which shall be recorded the name of every person who is entitled to be registered as an Indian" (Supply and Services Canada, 1978, p. 578).

The advantage of this Register is that objective criteria--the legal definition of "Indian" as written in the Indian Act--are used to determine who is and who is not listed in the register. This registration process is handled completely by Indian Affairs personnel and does not rely on self-identification like the national census.

Quite arbitrarily, it was decided that only persons over 17 years of age would be surveyed, therefore limiting the research's inferential capacity to the adult Treaty Indian population of Saskatchewan.

The Indian Affairs' registrar listed 48,404 Treaty Indians in Saskatchewan on December 31, 1981. At the time of the sampling, May 1, 1983, the population under 17--born on or after May 1, 1966--was 21,436. The population of 17 years of age or over to which this research applies was therefore 26,968 people strong. It is interesting to note how similar to less developed countries' demographic profiles the Saskatchewan Indians' age pyramid is with 44.3% of its population under 17.

The scarcity of telephones on the reserves, the long tradition of oral communication, the mobility of the population, and the lack of English fluency among the older members of the Indian society pointed to the face-to-face interview as the most appropriate method of survey. This turned out to be a costly proposition indeed, as thousands of miles were covered to literally track down the 249 persons selected in the sampling procedure.


Media Use and Availability

Media are quite present in the daily life of Saskatchewan Indian families. This population does have access to media, especially electronic media. Ninety-one percent of the interviewees owned at least one radio set, and 92% at least one TV set. These findings parallel Greenberg & Dervin's in their study of the urban poor in Lansing, Michigan. They found that the low-income population they were studying "was certainly not media-poor" (1970). However, 66% of the Indians in Saskatchewan did not have a telephone and 14% did not read newspapers or magazines.

In spite of the apparent abundance of hardware, neither radio or TV were reported as being used heavily. Radio was not a very pervasive medium in Saskatchewan Indian country with 46% of the respondents listening less than one hour "yesterday." The launching of Missinipi Broadcasting Corporation in the mid-1980s may have changed that in the northern part of Saskatchewan. Overall, younger persons tended to listen to radio more than older ones, with a preference for music for the former and news for the latter. Fifty-two percent of all respondents switched on the set for news, weather, and sports; 48% (obviously, these two groups overlap) for music.

The number of hours individuals declared having listened to radio did not associate with most independent variables apart from age--the younger, the more hours. These responses from independent variables were close to the ones received by Greenberg & Kumata when they analyzed the media use of a national U.S. sample in the mid-1960s (1968).

A fairly similar picture emerged when TV-viewing was investigated. This medium was also used lightly--43% of the sampled population declared watching less than one hour, and 13% only more than four hours. The heaviest users belonged to the 22 to 30-year-old age group.

This light use of TV contradicted Greenberg & Dervin's study of the poor in Lansing. One of their main findings had been that "low-income adults spend ... almost one-third of the day viewing TV in comparison with one-eighth for the general population. In fact more than one-fourth of the low-income respondents spent more than one-half of their day watching TV" (1970). This was corroborated by Slowik & Paquette who, seven years later, studied mass media use by low-income people in Rochester and Monroe counties, New York (1977).

Further analysis indicated that older and younger persons alike tended to watch less television than the individuals between 22 and 45. Previous research had led us to expect that older persons would be heavier users of television. These data did not confirm this.

Three possible explanations come to mind. First, viewing habits may have been underestimated as Davis noted in his 1969 survey of older TV audience in greater Long Beach, California. Seventy-five percent of his respondents had indicated they watched TV five hours or less per week, five to six times less than the U.S. average reported by Nielsen surveys for the same age group (Davis, 1971). It is indeed a fact that TV-watching has consistently been reported as the favourite activity of the elderly people in mainstream North American society. Communication research confirms that.

The second explanation would require historical data to be confirmed. While we may assume that older people of the non-Indian society have had access to mass media for several decades, we cannot necessarily make the same assumption about Indian society. Ninety-two percent of the respondents owned at least one TV set in 1983. What was this proportion in, say, 1960, 23 years before? In 1961, 84% of Canadian households had at least one TV set (34). This researcher knows of no comparable data about Indian households. If the difference was significant, it could point to a variation between the two societies' perception of that medium. This, in turn, could influence the way older people relate to it.

The third explanation takes into account not only the particular role older persons play in Indian societies, but also media content. In their communities, the Elders are depositors and transmitters of knowledge and culture, counsellors, spiritual leaders, and much more. They are cited by Granzberg & Steinbring as the ones "speaking negatively and even bitterly about television, complaining how its sex and violence corrupts the young" (1980). Since it is not uncommon that on the reserve the grandparents raise their grandchildren, it would not be surprising that the attitude just described has a negative effect on TV-watching patterns of old and young alike.

Finally, mass media were not reported at all as sources one would turn to when needing information on simple everyday matters. Most dramatically, media were not mentioned at all as sources one would tap when looking for information on education and job-training, an area of concern mentioned by 50% of the respondents as one "they would like to know more about, but can't find out." The data seemed to indicate that, in this particular case, the respondents could identify their needs, but did not see the media as having the capacity to assist them in meeting those needs.

Media content

Students of media audiences find that audience attention to the media is often defined in terms of the specific content attended to. If this general principle is applied to the low level of radio-listening, TV-watching, and newspaper-reading; to the absence of media among the sources respondents tap to meet a variety of information needs; and, finally, to the need for information on education which media did not satisfy, then the question of relevance of the content of available media must be asked.

To answer that question, we turned to the literature on communication for development which identifies five teachings on what media contents should be if they want to address themselves to development. These teachings are structural in nature--analyzing media in complete societal context; incorporating traditional forms of communication; accommodating social communal interests; relying on interpersonal communication; and prior commitment to social change. Although this research did not investigate the content of the media available to Indians in Saskatchewan against these terms of reference, it is fair to say that none of them occupied a central place in the media's editorial policies. Mainly private and commercial in nature--with the uncertain exception of the CBC--Saskatchewan media in the mid-1980s defined their operations like most of their North American counterparts. Little room was left to devote attention to the communication development needs of the society's underdogs.

To illustrate this statement, each of the five "lessons" above could yield one rhetorical question--How supportive of Indian claims over farm land could the prairie media afford to be? Could the media hire "rumour-beat" reporters to cover what the "moccasin telegraph" has to say daily? How likely is it to have in the daily menu of news reporting a set ratio of stories emphasizing sharing and egalitarianism? Could the Saskatchewan media owners encourage group discussion of their products on the reserves when the province does not even have one single press council? Is it likely to see the same publishers campaign for Indian independence?

Granted, these questions provoke more than they explain. However, one could postulate that although non-Indian media are consumed by the Indian population, they do not recognize this fragment of their audience as worthy of changes in their editoral policy. Above all, non-Indian media are intended for the mainstream White consumer.

This point was reinforced by the fact that the more integrated individuals who make more trips off-reserve or have more education tended to find media more useful for their information than the ones who were less integrated. This was especially visible in newspaper-reading--living on the reserve was associated with less reading and living off the reserve with more.

Complementarily, trips off the reserve were associated with higher newspaper reading frequency. This is close to the connection established by early development communication researchers who have documented the influence of mobility on media use. More education did not associate, however, with more newspaper or magazine reading. This contradicts the results obtained by Mishra who studied media-usage of basti-dwellers in greater Delhi, India. His study showed a definite association between higher level of education and use of newspapers (1970).

By looking at what content development communication in less developed countries carries--irrespective of its actual impact--this discussion can point out possible explanations for the lack of media relevance in Saskatchewan Indian country.

In line with Ogan's analysis of development communication, the main features of media content can be summarized as follows--social relevance, providing technical information about problems, possibilities, and innovations; aware of community needs; commitment to economic development; educating and informing the audience; motivating the people to participate in the process of change (1982).

It would also be useful to reprint here Kwame Baofo's definition of development communication. It outlines well in its completeness the gap that exists between a communication policy set to support development and the Western North American approach to media business:

[It is] the application of modern and traditional communication technologies to aid and enhance the process of socio-economic, political and cultural change. It is the planned, conscious and systematized use of communication strategies and processes to bridge informational and attitudinal gaps and to establish or sustain a climate that favours the process of change and development. (1985)

In this light, therefore, it is not surprising that such a high proportion of the survey's respondents did not see that media they consumed or could consume as relevant sources of information when asked questions that pertain intentionally to areas of concern to the Indian population.

Nevertheless media were consumed, mainly for entertainment, which also supports the argument of irrelevance of media content to help solve the problems facing Indians in their communities. This was definitely true of television--overall, entertainment, news and sports (combined in the coding), and soap operas take the lead as the most popular programs. The association between sex and kind of program appears to confirm previous research--males associated themselves more with movies, situation comedies, and news; 44% of the females identified soap operas as their primary reason for watching TV.

In view of the traditional sex roles found today in Indian society, this finding should not surprise the students of TV soap operas' audiences which Katzman has irreverently characterized as "the buyers of detergent, floorwax, and instant coffee" (1972). It is also close to the proportion Greenberg & Kumata found in their study of a national U.S. sample.

"Normal" as this pattern may be, one would have to answer, however, an important question--why would so many Indian women want to follow soap operas with plots, characters, values, and settings so different from the world which surrounds them? Two possible explanations are submitted.

The first is in line with the literature on dependency. Soap operas can be seen here as providing a daily visit in white households. Aware of a mainstream white society to which they do not have ready access but which imposes itself as the standard against which everything is measured, Indian women may use the soap operas as a window on a forbidden garden. Furthermore, the kind of basic human conflicts often portrayed in those programs make the white man and woman more accessible if not vulnerable than they ever are in real life dealings at the school, at the health centre, or at the Indian Affairs office.

The second explanation is less involved. Their traditional role in society means that Indian women are more likely to be home than men. Soap operas are often the only entertaining programs in the afternoon. It follows that more women than men would watch soaps. Entertainment, again, would be the main reason for watching.

Entertainment has something to do also with the kind of reading Indians favour--26% of the respondents read a newspaper or a magazine everyday, with 18% faithful to the National Enquirer imported from the U.S.A. The same argument about dependency vs. entertainment could be developed here as in the case of soap operas.

However, entertainment or dependency cannot explain that the bulk of the Indian readership goes to regional and local papers, be they they daily or weekly. This appetite for close-to-home information is complemented by a total lack of interest for the national daily or the national news magazines.

If the research findings of Grotta, Larkin, & DePlois (1975) are applied here, this would tend to show that interest for local information is high. One could regret, however, that is is not treated and delivered by the media in a manner which would help the Indians deal with their environment. The fact that Indians do purchase the local and regional papers places the responsibility for diffusing relevant developmental information squarely in the media camp; there is already a media audience, and it is waiting.

In closing this discussion on media use, it should be pointed out that the absence of a direct flow of information from mass media to the general population may hide a more complex process of diffusion. If Robinson (1976) is correct, a complex interaction process between media, opinion-givers, and opinion-receivers could be at work. Testing Robinson's conclusions through participatory analysis of a few reserves could bring some interesting insights on information networks and influence.


This research started with a need for information on communication patterns of Saskatchewan Indians in contemporary Canada; it has highlighted the impact of culture on media use. The lack of relevance of non-Indian media content suggests the importance of Indian values. Consider Mattelart's axiom "the message is not the medium: the message is the society." The non-Indian message does not fit the Indian society. Moreover, the data gathered among Saskatchewan Indians does not align itself with the socio-economic determinants of previous research such as age. I submit that in this study the most significant determinant of media use is culture.

Some erosion of the Indian culture can be seen in the almost total penetration of the non-Indian communication hardware in Indian homes or in the timid reliance on mainstream media for information when integration is at work.

It is difficult to assess from these data if a pattern of assimilation is unfolding as no historical data is available for comparison over time. However, Indians have been surrounded by a society which has been very imaginative in its attempts to assimilate them over more than a century of daily contacts. They have resisted very well. This makes this researcher believe that, in the race against time, Indian government will regain its rightful place before a large portion of its population cross the line of the minority status.

The battle will not be won then, however. This research has indeed identified the lack of communication messages that could pertain to the Indian situation of social misery and alienation. In other words, while the overall Canadian society carries on its slow but powerful encroachment, the Indians are not receiving the information support necessary for them to solve their immediate survival problems and hold firm to their desire of independence. This should be one of the first tasks of the Indian leaders if and when they are in a position to impact on change.

The absence of development-oriented Indian media certainly plays a major role in this present state of affairs. Most of the Indian population finds itself in the strange situation of consuming irrelevant non-Indian media content, experiencing urgent needs of information on daily matters, and a general ignorance of where to find the answers. This cycle of alienation must be broken and Indian media are the only hope in sight for this task. Missinipi Broadcasting started in 1985 and may have had an impact on media content available to Northern Saskatchewan residents and therefore on media use by Indian people. However, this author does not know of any research having documented that.

If the Canadian media placed more emphasis on their social responsibility, they also could assist Indian survival and development by meeting the information needs of this part of their clientele. Of course, it is not advocated here that Canadian media forget their non-Indian audience, but rather remember that they also have an Indian public which has very different needs.

Neither Canadian nor Indian governments can exist side by side and ignore each other. "No nation is an island," applies particularly well to the situation of the Indian people of Saskatchewan. However, it applies both ways. The Canadian society must learn to deal respectfully with the Indian nations that exist within its geographical borders. Indian nations must be given the opportunity and the means to develop their nationhood the way they want to. They, in turn, should learn to operate as people of two cultures.


This article is condensed from the author's doctoral dissertation submitted in 1987 in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree in the School of Journalism at Indiana University, U.S.A.
These treaties are: 1763, Exempted Lands by Royal Proclamation; 1794, Jay Treaty; 1817, Selkirk Treaty; 1850, Robinson-Huron Treaty; 1850, Robinson Treaty--Superior; 1862, Manitoulin Island Treaty; 1871, Treaty #1--Stone Fort Treaty; 1871, Treaty #2--The Manitoba Post Treaty; 1873, Treaty #3--The Northwest Angle Treaty; 1874, Treaty #4--The Qu'Appelle Treaty; 1875, Treaty #5--The Winnipeg Treaty; 1876, Treaty #6--Fort Carlton and Fort Pitt; 1877, Treaty #7--Blackfeet Treaty; 1889, Major Adhesion to Treaty #6; 1899, Treaty #8; 1905, Treaty #9; 1906, Treaty #10; 1908, Major Adhesion to Treaty #5; 1921, Treaty #11; 1923, Chippewas Treaty; 1929, Major Adhesion to Treaty #9.
For a complete discussion of the Indian Act and the Indian Treaties of Canada, see Introduction to Indian Studies, 1984, Part III.
It must also be mentioned that at the time of the survey, Secretary of State's Native Communications Program was funding a Native monthly, New Breed, published in Regina and not controlled by the Saskatchewan Indians. The radio broadcasting station "Missinipi Broadcasting" started operating in La Ronge in 1986, broadcasting through the CBC Microwave Transmitters located in 17 communities in Northern Saskatchewan. There is some individual Indian representation on the board of Missinipi. In 1987, the Saskatchewan Indian Media Corporation was formed and promptly started publishing again the monthly Saskatchewan Indian. SIMC defines itself as "at arms-length" from the Indian governments' governing bodies. Its board is composed of representatives from each of the seven Indian districts of the province. Independent Indian and Native communicators have also started establishing themselves in Saskatchewan during the past five years. They are mostly involved in consulting, public relations, and special projects.
Media use research has been one of the most prolific of the mass communication field. For an exhaustive review of the literature see Weaver & Buddenbaum, 1979.
The Saskatchewan Indian Federated College at the University of Regina established in 1982 a two-year certificate program in Indian Communication Arts. Plans for a BA in Indian Communication Arts have been considered for several years.
For a good discussion of what is known about older adults' media use patterns, see Young, 1979, pp. 119-136.
See Lerner, 1958; Rao, 1966; and Rogers, 1965-66, pp. 614-625.
For a more complete discussion of the two-step flow theory in the context of non-industrialized, mostly rural societies, see Bostian, 1970, pp. 109-117.


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Bostian, Lloyd R. (1970). The two-step flow theory: Cross cultural implications. Journalism Quarterly, 47, 109-117.

Davis, Richard H. (1971, Spring). Television and the older adult. Journal of Broadcasting, 25(2).

Granzberg, Gary, & Steinbring, Jack. (1980). Television and the Canadian Indian: Impact and meaning among Algonkians of Central Canada. Winnipeg, MB: University of Winnipeg.

Greenberg, Bradley, & Dervin, Brenda. (1970). Mass communication among the urban poor. Public Opinion Quarterly, 34.

Greenberg, Bradley, & Kumata, Hideya. (1968). National sample predictors of mass media use. Journalism Quaterly, 45.

Grotta, Gerald L., Larkin, Ernest F., & DePlois, Barbara. (1975). How readers perceive and use a small daily newspaper. Journalism Quarterly, 52.

Indian conditions: A survey. (1980). Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada.

Introduction to Indian Studies. (1984). SIFC Press.

Katzman, Nathan. (1972). Television soap operas: What has been going on anyway? Public Opinion Quarterly, 36, 200.

Lerner, Daniel. (1958). The Passing of Traditional Society. New York: Free Press of Glencoe.

Mishra, Vishwa M. (1970). Mass media use patterns in the Indian slums: A study of four basties in Greater Delhi. Gazette, 16.

Ogan, Christine. (1982). Development journalism/communication: The status of the concept. Gazette, 29, 3-13.

Rao, Y. V. Lakshmana. (1966). Communication and development: A study of two Indian villages. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.

Robinson, John P. (1976). International Influence in election campaigns: Two-step low hypotheses. Public Opinion Quarterly, 40.

Rogers, Everett M. (1965-66, Winter). Mass media exposure and modernization among Colombian peasants. Public Opinion Quarterly, 29, 614-625.

Schramm, Wilbur. (1973). Channels and audience. In E. de Sola Pool & W. Schramm (Eds.), Handbook of communication. Chicago: Rand McNally.

Slowik, Madeline Gates, & Paquette, Cathleen. (1982, May). Antipoverty programs, use of the mass media, and low-income people. Social Work.

Weaver, David, & Buddenbaum, Judith. (1979, April). Newspapers and television: A review of research on uses and effects. ANPA Research Report, 19.

Wilson, Clint C. II, & Gutierrez, Felix. (1985). Minorities and the media: Diversity and the end of mass communication. Beverly Hills: Sage.

Young, Thomas J. (1979). Use of the media by older adults. American Behavioral Scientist, 23(1), 119-136.

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